Sen. Mike Cronk: Alaska needs a vision, Alaska needs a gasline

By SEN. MIKE CRONK

June 30, 2026 – Alaska doesn’t have a resource problem. Alaska doesn’t have a talent problem. Alaska has a vision problem.

For years, we’ve talked about prosperity. We’ve talked about opportunities. We’ve talked about building a brighter future for our state and our citizens. But somewhere along the way, we stopped building.

We live in the most amazing place on Earth. There is nowhere in Alaska that doesn’t possess its own unique beauty and opportunity. It’s why we choose to live here. It’s why we fight to protect it. It’s the place we want our children and grandchildren to build their lives.

We’ve been blessed with natural resources that entire countries dream of possessing—not just states, but countries. Oil. Fish. Seafood. Timber. Minerals. Fresh water. Vast lands. And perhaps our greatest untapped opportunity: natural gas.

Let’s talk about natural gas. Alaska’s North Slope holds more than 40 trillion cubic feet of known natural gas. Yet decades after its discovery, we still have no meaningful way to deliver it for the maximum benefit of the people who own it—the people of Alaska.

Nearly fifty years ago, Alaska built the Trans-Alaska Pipeline System. That single project transformed our economy and forever changed our state. Since then, what have we built that has been equally transformational? What major investment have we made that has secured Alaska’s future for the next generation? The answer is: very little.

Today, Cook Inlet faces natural gas shortages. Southcentral Alaska faces uncertainty about long-term energy supplies. Families and businesses pay some of the highest energy costs in America, and concerns about future shortages continue to grow. 

Meanwhile, we continue debating whether to build a natural gas pipeline.

I understand why some Alaskans are skeptical. Projects of this size carry risk, and our responsibility is to protect the interests of the people who own these resources. But refusing to build carries risks of its own—and today we’re already living with those consequences. Some argue this legislation gives away Alaska’s gas. I see it differently.

Without a pipeline, that gas remains locked underground—providing no heat, no power, no jobs, and no long-term benefit to Alaskans. A resource that cannot be delivered is a resource that cannot strengthen our economy or secure our future.

The reality is simple: Alaska does not have enough in-state demand to make a project of this scale viable on its own. The export component is not a giveaway—it is what makes affordable in-state energy possible. Export markets spread the enormous costs of production and transportation across a much larger base, lowering the cost of gas delivered to Alaskan homes and businesses. That is why this project is critical to our future.

The Alaska LNG Project is estimated to cost approximately $55 billion. It is an enormous undertaking requiring significant private investment, complex engineering, and years of construction. Projects of this scale are never easy. But Alaska’s greatest achievements have never come from choosing what is easy.

I have served in the Legislature for six years. During that time, I’ve watched us study, debate, delay, and revisit the same challenges repeatedly. Too often, we spend years talking about solutions without ever building them. This project gives us an opportunity to change that pattern. Natural gas can provide affordable heat and electricity for generations. It can strengthen our energy security, stabilize our economy, create jobs, and give businesses the confidence to invest in Alaska’s future. But the pipeline is not the finish line. It’s the foundation.

Affordable, reliable energy makes everything else possible. It allows manufacturers to expand. It makes value-added seafood processing more competitive. It supports responsible mining, attracts new industries, encourages technology investment, and gives entrepreneurs the confidence to build businesses here instead of somewhere else. Most importantly, it gives young Alaskans another reason to stay, raise their families, and build their futures here at home. That is what vision looks like.

Throughout our history, Alaska has never moved forward by accident. Our greatest successes came because previous generations had the courage to make difficult decisions that shaped decades of prosperity. There have been four defining moments that transformed our state.

The first was statehood. Alaskans wrote one of the finest constitutions in America and secured our place as the 49th state.

The second was the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, which resolved long-standing land claims and created the certainty needed for responsible development while empowering Alaska Native corporations to become an enduring force in our state’s economy.

The third was the construction of the Trans-Alaska Pipeline System. Despite years of legal, political, and environmental challenges, leaders found a way to move forward. Imagine Alaska today without TAPS. Much of the prosperity we’ve enjoyed over the last fifty years simply would not exist.

The fourth defining moment came when Alaskans created the Permanent Fund, ensuring that a portion of our resource wealth would benefit future generations. None of those moments happened because people chose the easy path. They happened because leaders looked beyond the next election and focused on the next generation.

As a Legislature, one of our longest-running debates has been over Alaska’s constitutional mandate to develop our resources for the “maximum benefit” of its people. What does that really mean? Some argue it simply means generating as much revenue as possible. I respectfully disagree. Maximum benefit is about much more than dollars deposited into the state treasury. It is about how Alaska’s resources improve the lives of Alaskans.

With a natural gas pipeline, the benefits extend far beyond royalties and taxes. It’s affordable heat for families during our long winters. It’s reliable electricity for our homes and businesses. It’s thousands of jobs during construction and operation. It’s lower energy costs that allow businesses to grow, create jobs, and invest in their communities. It’s more disposable income in the pockets of working families, strengthening local economies across our state. 

Most importantly, it’s hope. Hope that our children and grandchildren will inherit an Alaska with reliable, affordable energy. Hope that businesses will choose to invest here because energy costs are competitive. Hope that communities will no longer have to wonder whether they’ll have enough gas to keep the lights on and homes warm. That, to me, is the true meaning of maximum benefit. It’s not simply extracting the greatest value from our resources. It’s using those resources to create the greatest opportunity for the people who own them: the people of Alaska.

Current fiscal projections estimate approximately $26 billion in state revenue over the project’s first thirty years, with revenues increasing significantly over time. Municipal governments could receive billions more, and communities across Alaska could see meaningful reductions in energy costs and improvements in reliability. But this project is about more than numbers. It is about whether Alaska still believes in building. It is about whether we have the courage to invest in ourselves rather than accept long-term decline. It is about whether we are willing to finally solve the energy challenges we have known about for decades. Some people are pro-pipeline. Some people are anti-pipeline. 

I am pro-Alaska. I believe Alaska’s resources should benefit Alaskans. I believe affordable, reliable energy is essential to our future. The question before us is bigger than a pipeline. It’s whether Alaska still believes in building. It’s whether we still believe our best days are ahead of us. Alaska doesn’t lack resources. Alaska doesn’t lack opportunity. What we’ve lacked is the willingness to act. 

There are those who will say we’re giving away Alaska’s resources by moving from property tax to an Alternate Volume Tax. I understand that concern. But here’s the reality. This project has been talked about for years. If it made economic sense under the current tax structure, it would already exist. It doesn’t. That’s because this is a massive, expensive, high-risk investment with very narrow margins. We have a choice.

We can insist on a tax structure that keeps the project from ever being built—or we can adopt one that attracts investment, creates jobs, generates long-term revenue, and puts Alaskans to work. I’d rather earn a fair return from a project that exists than demand a higher return from one that never gets built.

The debate over Hilcorp often focuses on one question: Do they pay their fair share? That’s a legitimate question. But it’s only part of the equation. Alaska doesn’t just benefit from taxes. We benefit from investment. Hilcorp’s business model has been to acquire mature fields that larger companies were no longer aggressively developing, invest significant capital, improve operations, and increase production. More production means more royalty revenue, more production tax revenue, more property taxes, more jobs, more contractor work, and more oil flowing through the Trans-Alaska Pipeline. Every additional barrel produced from an existing field generates revenue for the State of Alaska. 

If investment turns a declining field into a stable or growing producer, the state benefits year after year—not just from one tax source, but from multiple revenue streams. Alaska has a history of fields declining when investment slows. The state earns far more from producing oil than from taxing oil that never gets developed.

The real question shouldn’t be whether we can collect another $100 million in taxes today. It should be whether changes to our tax structure encourage or discourage the billions of dollars in private investment that ultimately produce billions in public revenue. That doesn’t mean companies should receive special treatment.

It means tax policy should balance two objectives: ensuring Alaskans receive a fair return for their resources while maintaining an investment climate that rewards companies willing to develop challenging, high-cost fields. If a company invests billions to recover oil that otherwise would remain in the ground, that’s not simply increasing corporate profits. It’s increasing the size of Alaska’s pie. The goal should be maximizing that pie—and ensuring Alaskans receive a fair share of it.

The question before us is straightforward: Do we pass a bill that gives Glenfarne the opportunity to move the Alaska LNG project forward, or do we burden that bill with unrelated tax provisions aimed at Hilcorp? Are we going to allow this to kill the AKLNG project or do we pass a clean bill that could get the gas line built.

These are two separate policy questions. One is whether Alaska wants to create the conditions necessary for a private company to invest tens of billions of dollars in a project that has remained economically challenging for decades. The other is whether the state’s oil tax structure should be changed. Combining them risks turning a bill focused on economic development into a broader tax debate.

If the Legislature believes changes to oil taxation are warranted, that discussion deserves to stand on its own merits. It should be debated independently, with a full understanding of the impact on investment, production, and state revenues.

The immediate question is whether we want to give Glenfarne a clear opportunity to pursue the gas line. If we believe the project can create jobs, generate long-term revenue, expand markets for Alaska’s natural gas, and strengthen our economy, then we should allow that opportunity to proceed without attaching unrelated provisions that could undermine investor confidence or jeopardize the project’s viability.

Alaskans deserve a clear decision: advance the gas line on its merits, and debate tax policy on its own merits.

Let’s be clear of the consequences of not having an in-state gas line, Alaska faces a future of declining gas supplies, increased reliance on imported LNG at significantly higher prices, and energy costs that will continue to climb. The choice before us is straightforward: invest in Alaska’s energy future today, or force Alaskans to pay far more tomorrow through higher utility bills, greater energy insecurity, and lost economic opportunity. 

Fifty years from now, our children and grandchildren will either thank us for having the courage to build—or wonder why we allowed another generation to pass without acting.

Now is the time to prove it. Let’s build the AKNLG for Alaska.

Sen. Mike Cronk serves in the Alaska Legislature and represents Senate District R in Interior Alaska.

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Sen. Wielechowski meltdown illustrates tension over Alaska gasline he is trying to block

 

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5 thoughts on “Sen. Mike Cronk: Alaska needs a vision, Alaska needs a gasline”
  1. Too many current leaders have double identities
    Not too long ago he was a Democrat Republican ally helping them stalling the legislation, now he is supporting it. He needs to make up his mind. Is he going to be a Democrat’s B*^%% because that’s what a Republican is to their group. You are not being bipartisan or so called putting Alaska first. A Republican helping Democrats is just being their B$&)@“”!. Or will he rebuild his relationship to his Republican district neighbors, the Republicans in the minority, and the AkGOP who would remain more supportive to him than any Democrat.

  2. The problem with the phrase ” pay their,fair share” is that what a ” fair share” is, is never specified . if you ask it ends up being ” MORE!!” Ad infinitum jus as with what the amount is tgat is sufficient for educational expenditures. There is no amount that will ever meet the criterion of ” enough”

  3. Glenfarne is positioning the same Alaska LNG project one way inside Alaska’s Legislature and another way to the rest of the world.

    Core thesis

    Glenfarne’s message to Alaska is:

    “This project is too expensive. Alaska must reduce the burden, provide tax certainty, absorb public risk, and help make the infrastructure financeable.”

    Glenfarne’s message to strategic partners is:

    “This project is a once-in-a-generation value platform with LNG sales, shipping, steel, equipment, construction, services, financing, and global energy-security upside.”

    That is the duplicity.

    Not necessarily duplicity as “fraud” — duplicity as two-position negotiating behavior.

    1. To Alaska: Glenfarne frames the project as a cost problem

    Inside Alaska, the public-facing model is centered on:

    pipeline cost
    property tax burden
    municipal impact
    debt service
    financing constraints
    in-state gas affordability
    need for tax relief
    need for legislative certainty
    urgency to pass enabling legislation

    The Senate Finance record shows SB 2001 was built around gas pipeline volumetric tax, AGDC, RCA, and taxation of natural gas project property. The committee heard repeated presentations from DOR, AGDC, Glenfarne, Enstar, RCA, Hilcorp, and others on the project’s cost, taxes, and financing structure.

    Glenfarne’s June 2026 Senate Finance presentation reportedly put the full project cost at $44.5 billion to $54.5 billion, with the pipeline phase estimated at $13.2 billion to $16.9 billion, while legislators were considering tax breaks for the project.

    So Alaska is being asked to evaluate the project through a public-burden spreadsheet.

    2. To the world: Glenfarne frames the project as a value platform

    Outside Alaska, Glenfarne does not pitch Alaska LNG as merely an expensive pipe.

    It pitches Alaska LNG as a global energy platform.

    Glenfarne announced more than $115 billion of strategic partner interest from more than 50 companies across equipment, material supply, services, investment, and customer agreements.

    That means the outside-world pitch is not:

    “Please help us survive the cost.”

    It is:

    “Here is a giant pool of contract value.”

    That is a totally different frame.

    3. To Alaska: “domestic gas first”

    Glenfarne’s Alaska LNG site says the project is designed to bring North Slope gas to Alaskans first and then to global markets in a second phase. It also states Glenfarne is the 75% owner and developer, with the State of Alaska owning 25% through AGDC.

    That phrase — Alaskans first — is the political safety frame.

    It tells Alaska:

    This is about heating homes, Railbelt energy security, and in-state supply.

    But that is not the full economic story.

    4. To global partners: “exports, offtake, steel, ships, equipment, investment”

    To global partners, Glenfarne is not selling an Alaska home-heating project.

    It is selling export access.

    POSCO’s arrangement includes LNG offtake, capital investment, and steel supply for the pipeline.

    JERA’s deal is structured around long-term LNG offtake from the Alaska export project.

    Baker Hughes is positioned as both a supplier of key equipment and an investor/strategic participant.

    Danaos is positioned around LNG carrier construction and operation, with a reported $50 million development capital investment.

    That is the global value chain:

    gas → pipe → liquefaction → shipping → offtake → equipment → steel → finance → long-term LNG markets.

    Alaska is being shown the pipe.

    The world is being shown the platform.

    5. To Alaska: “tax relief makes the project work”

    The tax legislation is framed around replacing existing property tax exposure with an alternative volumetric tax structure. The Governor’s March 2026 announcement said DOR estimated the legislation could raise more than $26 billion in tax and royalty revenue over 30 years, while legislative discussion focused heavily on whether tax relief was necessary to make the project financeable.

    Other reporting described the volumetric-tax approach as a major reduction in property taxes compared with existing oil and gas property tax treatment.

    So the Alaska-side pitch is:

    Reduce the public tax claim now so the project can advance.

    6. To global partners: “Alaska creates competitive advantage”

    To Asia and global LNG buyers, the pitch is not tax relief.

    The pitch is strategic advantage.

    Reuters reported that Alaska LNG interest surged among Asian buyers because Alaska can reach North Asia without passing through maritime chokepoints such as the Strait of Hormuz, with buyers from Taiwan, Thailand, Japan, and Korea involved.

    That means Alaska’s geography is not a cost problem.

    It is a premium asset.

    So why is Alaska’s own model not pricing that premium back to Alaska?

    That is the central tension.

    7. The duplicity in one table
    Audience Glenfarne’s Alaska message Glenfarne’s global message
    Alaska Legislature The project is expensive. The project is valuable.
    Municipalities Tax burden must be reduced. Contract value exceeds $115 billion in partner interest.
    Alaskans Domestic gas first. 20 MTPA export platform to global LNG markets.
    Lawmakers Need certainty, speed, and tax structure. Strategic partners get offtake, steel, shipping, equipment, investment roles.
    Public model Infrastructure expenses, tax concessions, debt service. Long-term value capture across the LNG chain.
    Risk frame Alaska must help make it financeable. Partners can profit from Alaska’s strategic location and resource base.
    8. The clean accusation

    The duplicity is this:

    Glenfarne is asking Alaska to legislate from the downside while inviting the rest of the world to invest from the upside.

    That is the line.

    Alaska is being shown:

    cost, burden, concession, affordability, risk.

    The world is being shown:

    contracts, offtake, shipping, steel, investment, strategic energy security, and long-term LNG value.

    9. The stronger Alaska position

    Alaska should not accept a financial model that only measures infrastructure expense.

    Alaska’s model must include:

    value of Alaska’s gas
    value of Alaska’s location
    value of tax concessions
    value of permits and rights-of-way
    value of existing AGDC project work
    value of public risk participation
    value of global strategic access
    value of shipping-route advantage
    value of LNG offtake
    value of partner contracts
    value of downstream industrial opportunity
    value of Alaska-owned business participation

    Because the correct statement is not:

    Who captures the upside?

    The correct statement is:

    Alaska will capture the upside. Period.

    — Trudy Sobocienski® MBA

    Independent analysis. I do not represent any company, organization, government entity, or project participant. I am not paid by anyone to advocate for any project or outcome

  4. Okay, Mike, for us vision-impaired Alaskans, can you read the answers out loud ?
    .
    If you can’t
    restore open, honest elections,
    fix voter rolls, end ERIC’s contract, reconcile voters’ names with valid home addresses,
    cooperate with DOJ’s voter-roll request,
    end ballot harvesting and mail-in voting without verifiable reason,
    enact law ending ranked-choice voting and machine-counted ballots,
    reform our corrupted grand jury system,
    enact law to stop local government coercion against property-tax appeals,
    restore statutory PFD’s,
    move the capital to the road system,
    close Juneau’s Party House,
    amend House and Senate rules to require attendees’ sobriety,
    end Medicaid fraud,
    remove child molesters from schools,
    outlaw surveillance pricing,
    reform the corrupted education system,
    enact anti-dark money law like Montana’s “Transparent Election Initiative”,
    write a reasonable, accurate state budget,
    dissolve Alaska Municipal League’s Investment Pool,
    find out how many illegal aliens live in Alaska and help ICE deport them,
    enact law requiring forensic audit of subsidy and revenue-sharing programs,
    enact a resolution demanding justice for Thomas Jack,
    make revenue-sharing depend on property-tax relief for all property-tax payers,
    enact law preventing recurrence of Covid-19 abuses of Constitutional freedoms,
    stop legislative per diem payment after 90-day session limit,
    enact law supporting local moratoriums on large-scale data centers and “tiny-houses”,
    answer FAQ’s at https://thealaskastory.com/mike-dunleavy-alaska-has-waited-long-enough-for-the-gasline/,
    .
    what the hell makes you a gas-line guru?
    .
    Get your apartment yet, the one gifted to you by your registered special-interest team-mate’s NGO?
    .
    No? You did see: “Nonprofit foundation gifts Alaska Legislature 16 apartments in Juneau”. (June 22, 2026)?
    (https://alaskabeacon.com/briefs/nonprofit-foundation-gifts-alaska-legislature-16-apartments-in-juneau/)
    .
    “Reed Stoops, a lobbyist, is a member of the board of the Juneau Community Foundation and helped organize the latest housing donation. The ultimate goal is to give the Legislature more housing options to keep legislative sessions in Juneau, “especially during a special session like this,” he said.”
    .
    This amazing “gift” happening just 10 days ago is just a coincidence, right?
    .
    So Reed Stoops, according to “Alaska Lobbyist Directory” is the lobbyist hired to help out with “All legislation and administrative action relating to taxation of resource industries in Alaska” …another coincidence, right?
    .
    So you can’t do what vision-impared Alaskans hired you to do, but you can sit up and beg for Glenfarme’s gas line.
    .
    Don’t get a doggy biscuit, but do get a taxpayer-subsidized, free, crash pad “gift” in the Holy Party City of Juneau.
    .
    Remind again what vision-impaired Alaskans call politicians who pimp themselves out like this?

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